(33) Pomeranz，Great Divergence，274—278; D．A．Farnie，The English Cotton Industry and the World Market，1815—1896（Oxford，1979），199．Cf．Seymour Shapiro，Capital and the Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution（Ithaca，NY，1967）．
(34) E．g.，Levi Woodbury，“Cotton: Cultivation，Manufacture，and Foreign Trade of，”House Executive Documents，24th Cong.，1st sess.，vol．4，no．146（Washington，DC，1836）．Sugar mills were the first enterprises to use the conveyor belt，the classic device of twentieth-century factories．Follett，Sugar Masters; Daniel Rood，“Plantation Technocrats: A Social History of Knowledge in the Slaveholding Atlantic World，1830—1865”（PhD diss.，University of California at Irvine，2010）．
(35) E．F．Barnes Cotton Book，RASP，Series G，5/17．Occasionally enslavers held “races”to see who could pick the most cotton in a day: Cull Taylor，AS，6．1（AL），364．Ball，in Slavery in the United States，212，271—272，mentions pay for overpicking or Sunday picking in two cases．
(36) Mary Younger，NSV，258; Allan Sidney，ST，524．
(37) Ball，Slavery in the United States，215—216; Jn．Knight to Wm．Beall，August 12，1844，Box 2，John Knight Papers，Duke．
(38) Campbell，Autobiography，33—35．
(39) Brown，Slave Life in Georgia，128—132; Anderson，Life and Narrative，19—20; Henry Watson，Narrative of Henry Watson: A Fugitive Slave（Boston，1848），19—20; ST; Works Progress Administration interviews from the 1930s，e．g.，GSMD，199; Gus Askew，AS，6．1（AL），15; Rufus Dirt，AS，6．1（AL），117; Sarah Wells，AS，11．1（AR），89; Sarah Ashley，S22．1（TX），87; Jesse Barnes，S2，2．1（TX），175 Also J．Monett，Appendix C，J．W．Ingraham，The South-West，by a Yankee（New York，1836），2: 285—286．
(40) Rules from Box 3，May-December 1820 Fol.，A．P．Walsh Papers，LLMVC; Miller，in “Plantation Labor Organization，”163—165，points out that some historians have confused cotton minimums with low-country “tasks，”e．g.，Moore，The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom in the Old Southwest（Baton Rouge，LA，1988），95—96．For ledgers，five good examples: Ballard Papers，SHC; Prudhomme Papers，SHC; U．B．Phillips and James Glunt，Florida Plantation Records from the Papers of George Noble Jones（St．Louis，1927）; F．T．Leak Papers，SHC; Edwin Davis，ed.，Plantation Life in the Florida Parishes of Louisiana，1836—1846，as Reflected in the Diary of Bennett H.Barrow（New York，1943）．“So many pounds，”ASAI，96，98; Ball，Slavery in the United States，216—218; Campbell，Autobiography，33—39; Sarah Wells，AS，11．1（AR），89; Jn．Knight to Wm．Beall，February 10，1844，April 14，1844，John Knight Papers，Duke; R．B．Beverley to Robert Beverley，September 3，1833，August 28，1842，Sec．17，Mss1B4678a，Beverley Papers，VHS．Cf．Kelly Houston Jones，“‘A Rough，Saucy Set of Hands to Manage’: Slave Resistance in Arkansas，”Arkansas Historical Quarterly 71（2012）: 1—21．
(41) Anderson，Life and Narrative，18—19; ASAI，47; NSV，140—141; Jn．Haywood to G．W．Haywood，February 5，1842，March 17，1839，May 22，1836，HAY; P．Cameron to D．Cameron，December 2，1845，Fol．973，PCC; Betsy Clingman to I．Jarratt，January 8，1835，Jarratt-Puryear Papers，Duke．Cf．GSMD，215．
(42) These lists of pounds picked would not help scholars to identify best seed types．They were offshoots of a slate or memory system designed to carry numbers for individual slaves: Charles Thompson，Biography of a Slave（Dayton，OH，1875），41—42; Brown，Slave Life in Georgia，128—129; Campbell，Autobiography，33—35．
(43) Ball，Slavery in the United States，186—187，212．Early daily totals are from American Farmer，December 14，1821，298; August 31，1838，Magnolia Pltn．Jnl.，Fol．429，RCB．“Bresh heap”from B．Fox to Eliza Neal，September 25，1835．For 100—130 lbs．/day，see R．and M．Timberlake to Mother，December 26，1829，Neal Papers，SHC; Cf．Phanor Prudhomme Cotton Books，1836 and 1852，Prudhomme Papers，SHC; “Dunk，”D．W．McKenzie to D．McLaurin，September 26，1840，Fol．1838—1840，Duncan McLaurin Papers，Duke; J．F．Thompson Diary，July 6，1841，[51]，Benson-Thompson Papers，Duke; R．B．Beverley to R．Beverley，September 3，1833，Sec．13，and August 28，1842，Sec．41，Beverley Papers，VHS; Northup，Twelve Years a Slave，125，135．By 1860，Paul Cameron expected two hundred pounds per hand per day in the Mississippi delta: W．T．Lamb to P．Cameron，September 16，1860，Fol．1210，PCC．For increased southwestern extraction of labor，L．A．Finley to Caroline Gordon，February 17，1853，Gordon-Hackett Papers，SHC; T．J．Brownrigg to R．Brownrigg，January 29，1836，Brownrigg Papers，SHC; A．K．Barlow to J．J．Philips，April 23，1849，Ivan Battle Papers，SHC; J．S．Haywood to G．W．Haywood，April 4，1835，Fol．144，and J．S．Haywood to Sister，May 3，1839，Fol．156，HAY; A．P．Cameron to D．Cameron，December 13，1845，Fol．974; W．T．Lamb to P．Cameron，December 1，1860，PCC．
(44) Farmers’ Register，June 1836，114—116，and November 1934，353—363; Cf．James Pearse，Narrative of the Life of James Pearse（Rutland，VT，c．1826），24—37; Philip Younger，NSV，249．
(45) Northup，Twelve Years a Slave，159; John Haywood to G．W．Haywood，February 5，1842，HAY; Ingraham，The South-West，2: 286．
(46) Campbell，Autobiography，36—39．
(47) Martha Bradley，AS，6．1（AL），47; Northup，Twelve Years a Slave，134，142—143．
(48) I．C．McManus，Right Hand，Left Hand: The Origins of Asymmetry in Brains，Bodies，Atoms，and Cultures（Cambridge，MA，2002）．
(49) ASAI，69; Ball，Slavery in the United States，215; Northup，Twelve Years a Slave，188—189．
(50) ASAI，69; Ball，Slavery in the United States，218; Anderson，Life and Narrative，29; William Wells Brown，Narrative of William Wells Brown，a Fugitive Slave（Boston，1849），20; GSMD，199．
(51) Adeline，AS，6．1（AL），181; Frank Hawkins to Wm．Hawkins，August 29，1849，Fol．84，Hawkins Papers，SHC; Araby Journal，Haller Nutt Papers，Duke; Magnolia Journal，1848—1851，Fol．442，RCB; Gray and Thompson，History of Agriculture，2: 702—703．
(52) AS，v．18，GSMD，199; cf．B．L．C．Wailes，Report on the Agriculture and Geology of Mississippi（Philadelphia，1854），154．Historians argue that the acceptability and practice of torture declined in the Western world after the mid-eighteenth century: Foucault，Discipline and Punish; Elizabeth Clark，“‘The Sacred Rights of the Weak’: Pain，Sympathy and the Culture of Individual Rights in Antebellum America，”JAH 82（1995），463—493．But if the whippings common on southwestern plantations were torture，then in the United States，white people inflicted torture far more often than in almost any human society that ever existed．Meanwhile，though，a late-antebellum “paternalistic”move made it a crime to kill a slave: Peter Kolchin，American Slavery，1619—1877（New York，1993），130—131．Ariela J．Gross，in Double Character: Slavery and Mastery in the Antebellum Courtroom（Princeton，NJ，2000），105—120，finds that defendants presented themselves as using torture for the “rational”purpose of compelling labor．Thomas R．R．Cobb，in An Inquiry into the Law of Negro Slavery（Philadelphia，1858），argues that non-“wanton” violence can enforce “subordination”（90—99）．
(53) Many historians of torture hold this definition: Page DuBois，Torture and Truth（New York，1991）; John Langbein，Torture and the Law of Proof: Europe and England in the Ancien Regime（Chicago，1977）; Edward Peters，Torture，2nd ed．（Philadelphia，1996）; Foucault，Discipline and Punish．But by the United Nations Convention Against Torture，deliberate violence against an imprisoned and/or bound individual becomes torture when it is designed to extract information or a confession，to serve as a punishment，or to inflict intimidation，or is based on discrimination．Cf．William F．Schulz，ed.，The Phenomenon of Torture: Readings and Commentary（Philadelphia，2007）．
(54) Herbert Gutman，Slavery and the Numbers Game: A Critique of Time on the Cross（Urbana，IL，1975），17—35; Davis，ed.，Plantation Life．Barrow's journal also reveals that he whipped 75 percent of the sixty-six working “hands”at one point or another，and Patsey's skills did not save her from being beaten: Northup，Twelve Years a Slave，142—143，196—199; Ball，Slavery in the United States，217—218; Brown，Slave Life in Georgia，150．
(55) R．B．Beverley to R．Beverley，September 3，1833，Sec．13，August 28，1842，Sec．41，Beverley Papers，VHS; Frederick Law Olmsted，A Journey in the Back Country（New York，1860），1: 44，83—84; Ball，Slavery in the United States，59; Bibb，Narrative，115．
(56) Thomas Jefferson，Notes on the State of Virginia（New York，1984 [Library of America]），288—289; Nancy Howard，NSV，50; Cf．NSV，54，132，158，225—227，243; James Fisher，ST，236; Brown，Slave Life in Georgia，230—240．
(57) Lavinia Bell，ST，342—345; Cf．ST，180，433; NSV，382; Anderson，Life and Narrative，16; S．Haywood to G．W．Haywood，December 1，1837，Fol．151，HAY; Themy to T．Harriss，May [1846]，Undated Fol.，Thomas Harriss Papers，Duke; W．H．Fox to J．Fox，September 9，1856，John Fox Papers，Duke; Johnson，NSV，383—384; Gowens，NSV，140—141; Brown，Slave Life in Georgia，28—30．For a failed-overseer counter-example，see Pearse，Narrative，35—37．
(58) Henry Clay，AS，S1，12（OK），111—112．
(59) D．Jordan to Malvina，August 3，1833，D．Jordan Papers，Duke; ST，435; NSV，78; Robert W．Fogel and Stanley Engerman，“Explaining the Relative Efficiency of Slave Agriculture in the Antebellum South，”241—265，and Fogel and Engerman，“Explaining the Relative Efficiency of Slave Agriculture in the Antebellum South: Reply，”in Without Consent or Contract: Technical Papers，vol．1; Stuart W．Bruchey，Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy，1790—1860: Sources and Reading s（New York，1967），7—21; S．Duncan to J．Ker，n．d.，Fol．12，Ker Papers，SHC; Farmers’ Register，November 1834，353—363; James L．Huston，Calculating the Value of Union: Slavery，Property Rights，and the Economic Origins of the Civil War（Chapel Hill，NC，2003）．
(60) Ball，Slavery in the United States，216—217．
(61) Wm．Kenner to J．Minor，August 23，1819，William Kenner Papers，LLMVC．
第5章
(1) Lucy Thurston，AS，S1，10．5（MS），2113．
(2) Sophia Word，AS，16．2（KY），67; Silas Jackson，AS，16．3（MD）; Ank Bishop，61（AL），37; Lucinda Washington，6．1（AL），410; cf．Vincent Brown，The Reaper's Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery（Cambridge，MA，2008）．
(3) Ann Ulrich Evans，AS，11．2（MO），118．
(4) Lucy Thurston，AS，S1，10．5（MS），2113．
(5) Jos．Sheppard to Jas．＆ Jn．Sheppard，October 17，1843，James Sheppard Papers，Duke; Sophia Nobody to Sally Amis，June 7，1858，Fol．45，Eliz．Blanchard Papers，SHC; Margaret Nickens，AS，11．2（MO），264; GSMD，45—46，202．
(6) L．A．Finley to Hackett，May 18，1854，Gordon-Hackett Papers，SHC; Jordan Connelly[ ]to H．Brown，October 17，1833，Fol．55，Hamilton Brown Papers，SHC; S．Amis to Grandmother，December 22，1836，Fol．40，Eliz．Blanchard Papers，SHC; “Hermitage”Account 1820—1822，Miltenberger Papers，SHC; Sim Neal to Mother Sisters Brothers，[1827]，Neal Papers，SHC; William Anderson，Life and Narrative of William Anderson…（Chicago，1857），18．
(7) Brian W．Thomas，“Power and Community: The Archaeology of Slavery at the Hermitage Plantation，”American Antiquity 63（1998）: 531—551; Henry C．Bruce，The New Man: Twenty-Nine Years a Slave（York，PA，1895），52—56; Henry Bibb，Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb，an American Slave（New York，1849），25—28; William Grimes，Life of William Grimes，Written by Himself（New York，1825），29．
(8) Charles Ball，Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball…（New York，1837），157，165; Octavia Albert，The House of Bondage: Or，Charlotte Brooks and Other Slaves（New York，1890），6．
(9) Albert，House of Bondage，4—5; Prudhomme Family Papers，SHC; Brashear Family Papers，SHC; Slack Family Papers，SHC; Michael D．Picone，“Anglophone Slaves in Francophone Louisiana，”American Speech 78（2003）: 404—443; Elisha Garey，AS，12．2（GA），2．
(10) Sarah P．Russell，“Cultural Conflicts and Common Interests: The Making of the Sugar Planter Class in Louisiana，1795—1853”（PhD diss.，University of Maryland，2000），327—328; Herbert Gutman，The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom，1750—1925（New York，1976），165; Edgar Schneider，American Earlier Black English: Morphological and Syntactic Varieties（Tuscaloosa，AL，1988），231—235，255，275—278; Salikoko Mufwene，“Some Inferences About the Development of African-American English，”in Shana Poplack，ed.，The English History of African-American English（Malden，MA，2000），246—248; John McWhorter，“Recovering the Origin，”337—366，in his Defining Creole（New York，2006）．
(11) Ball，Slavery in the United States，189，264—266．
(12) John Brown，Slave Life in Georgia（London，1855），23—24，28—30．
(13) Ball，Slavery in the United States，192—193．
(14) T．Bryarly to S．Bryarly，February 26，1847，Bryarly Papers，Duke; Margaret Brashear to Frances，July 10，1832，Brashear Papers，SHC; G．Henry to [wife]，December 2，1837，Gustavus Henry Papers，SHC; Isham Harrison to T．Harrison，January 20，1837，James Harrison Papers，SHC; Roderick C．McDonald，“Independent Economic Production，” in Ira Berlin and Philip D．Morgan，eds.，Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas（Charlottesville，VA，1993），200—204; Dylan Penningroth，The Claims of Kinfolk: African American Property and Kinship in the Nineteenth-Century South（Chapel Hill，NC，2003）．
(15) Anthony Abercrombie，AS，6．1（AL），7; Dylan Penningroth，“My People，My People，”in Edward E．Baptist and Stephanie M．H．Camp，eds.，New Studies in the History of American Slavery（Athens，GA，2006）．
(16) Willentz，Rise of American Democracy，72—140; William Lee Miller，Arguing About Slavery: The Great Battle in the United States Congress（New York，1996），168—169．
(17) Matthew Carey，A Calm Address to the People of the Eastern States，on the Subject of the Representation of Slaves（Boston，1814）; Worthington C．Ford，ed.，Writings of John Quincy Adams（New York，1913—1917），3: 71; Sidney E．Morse，The New States: Or，A Com parison of the Wealth，Strength，and Population of the Northern and Southern States（Boston，1813）; James Pearse，Narrative of the Life of James Pearse（Rutland，VT，c．1826）; H．Bellenden Ker，Travels Through the Western Interior of the United States（Elizabethtown，NJ，1816），43—50; Glover Moore，The Missouri Controversy，1819—1821（Lexington，KY，1953），11．
(18) Boynton Merrill，Jefferson's Nephews: A Frontier Tragedy（Princeton，NJ，1976）; James Simeone，Democracy and Slavery in Frontier Illinois: The Bottomland Republic（DeKalb，IL，2000）; Suzanne Cooper Guasco，“‘The Deadly Influence of Negro Capitalists': Southern Yeomen and Resistance to the Expansion of Slavery in Frontier Illinois，”Civil War History 41，no．1（2001）: 7—29．
(19) R．Douglas Hurt，Agriculture and Slavery in Missouri's Little Dixie（Columbia，MO，1992）．
(20) William R．Johnson，“Prelude to the Missouri Compromise，”Arkansas Historical Quarterly 24，no．1（1965）: 47—66．
